A Newsletter for The Kumara Vine


P.O.Box 408, Wellington, New Zealand.

Issue No 12/89, 20 December 1989. ISSN 0114-2097



Putatara! Putatara!
Toi te hapu, toi te iwi, toi te mana:
te mana wairua, te mana whenua, te mana tangata; te mana Maori.

Ka whawhai tonu ake! Ake! Ake!
E nga iwi o te motu, e nga hau e wha,
Tena koutou, tena koutou, tena koutou katoa.



From the Beehive: House of Honeyed Deceit


Five months ago the Prime Minister unveiled his Principles for Crown Action on the Treaty of Waitangi. They were widely con-demned throughout Maoridom as the view of only one partner to the Treaty. This month he has built upon his government's one-eyed interpretation of the Treaty with his announcement of the new Crown Task Force on Waitangi Issues. Slowly but surely Geoffrey Palmer moves to bring Maoridom under political control whilst putting up a smokescreen of justness and fairness.

This ploy is no more vividly illustrated than in the difference between the Maori Fisheries Bill and the Runanga Iwi Bill.

On the one hand, in the Runanga Bill, the Crown proposes to for-mally recognise the existence of iwi, for the first time since the Treaty. This is a major achievement for Pakeha New Zealand; but when you look closely, they have given us nothing we didn't already have.

On the other hand, the Fisheries Bill borrows from history, giving us one tenth of what is rightfully ours, and selling the rest to the speculators. It's a wonder they didn't force us to lease back our tenth to the Pakeha on 99-year renewable leases.

Hypocrisy is widespread in the Pakeha world. After the forests they bought or stole from the iwi have been destroyed, tauiwi espouses the cause of conservation. The trouble is, that most of the remaining indigenous forests are in Maori hands. Now that tauiwi sees the need to conserve our sacred heritage, he seeks to ban Maori use of the remaining forests for economic purposes.

The Crown offers no compensation to Maori for bearing the brunt of Pakeha folly.

Palmer says that his policies are based on the need to correct past injustices and, he says, on the premise 7that "Parliament is Sovereign". But all that I hear is that the Pakeha is Sovereign.

Do you hear what I hear?

Kia ora,

Ross Himona.





A Letter to the Kumara Vine from the team


Tena koutou, te kumara vine.

This month's newsletter is the 23rd edition of Te Putatara and it is now twelve months since we decided to go commercial; at the exorbitant cost of $45.00 for twelve months (or less than the cost of a bottle of beer and a packet of cigarettes per month).

To those of you who have subscribed, it has not been cheap we know - unless you're a lucky one with a job. Thank you very very much for your support.

To those unwaged and on the official free "kaumatua/rangatahi list", thank you too for reading us - we hope that you've enjoyed your read. We enjoy bringing it to you.

Finally to those thousands of you on the unofficial photocopy list, we hope you too have enjoyed Te Putatara, and that you continue to read it next year as well. We hope even more that you might have an attack of the old conscience and send us a koha. Eh. E hoa ma, information should be freely available but it costs someone heaps to make it freely available you know.

Te Putatara has survived for two years without subsidies and without grants. It's only income has been from koha. Needless to say, we - the editor, writer and ti-boy - we don't make any money from it; actually we lose a bit. But we enjoy doing it. One of us might have to find the occasional paid job to subsidise it, to keep it going, but that's life.

Well, if you celebrate Christmas, then have a merry Christmas. If you're koretake like us, then ignore Christmas, and join us in celebrating two years of Te Putatara. And don't forget to sub-scribe. Eh.







"Keep me from the man who says, "I am a candle to light the people on their way"; but to the one who seeks to make his way through the light of the people, bring me nearer."

- Kahlil Gibran



TE PUTATARA is published monthly by TE AUTE PUBLICATIONS,
P.O.Box 408, Wellington, New Zealand.

Editor, Writer, Tea Boy - Ross Himona

Copyright: Ross Himona, 1989

All material appearing in TE PUTATARA is copyright. Contributions are welcomed. Letters to the tea boy are also welcomed.



1 copy $4.00
3 months $12.00
6 months $23.00
12 months $45.00

Subscribers please note that your subscriptions cover up to and including the month which appears on the address label of your envelope.



From the Beehive................... 1
A Letter to the Kumara Vine........ 2
Fan Mail .......................... 3
Government Policy: An Overview..... 4
Conservation Law Reform ........... 6
Local Government Representation.... 7
Resource Law Reform................ 7
Maori Fisheries Act 1989........... 8
Runanga Iwi Bill................... 9
Crown Strategy.....................10
Indigenous Issues Abroad...........11
Dungeon Bar........................12





Fan Mail


Kia ora koutou katoa,

Although the lifting of the Iron Curtain has been bad for busi-ness movie-wise - all cinemas have suffered - it's still great to be here. Ki tonu nga tiriti katoa ki te tangata. Maru ana te aroha o te tangata whenua mo o ratau whanaunga o te Tai Rawhiti.

Kei nga ara katoa he tangata e hakari ana. Ki te ata po ra ano - ahakoa te hau tiotio te makariri hoki. Aua atu - mahana ana te hinengaro.

Kia ora ra,

Na Wi Kuki,

* Wi Kuki Kaa (the Te Putatara roving correspondent) was right on the spot when the Berlin Wall was breached! How's that for a scurrilous little newsletter eh? -Ed.



Kia ora Himona,

I used to receive Te Putatara under the heading of "Te Hekeretari, Napier Urban Marae Committee." Since the middle of July '89 the urban marae committee has disbanded and it is now under the auspices of the Te Whanganui-A-Orotu Taiwhenua of Te Runanganui O Ngati Kahungunu. The reason being that we channel as many Maori initiatives through the tribal authority as possible.

However since that has taken place my access to some very important kumara vine gossip has eluded me, therefore my mana within the raupo gossip circles of tenei whenua is left wanting. Couple that with your unmitigating desire to further my chagrin by charging $45.00 for 12 issues.

However I've found another avenue to cover this cost. I suppose by now you will have realised that I am writing a whole lot of bull.... Oops! Rubbish. I hope when you receive this you are still in business.

Ma te Atua e manaaki koutou,

Kia ora,
Mo Ropitini,

* At last. Someone else who admits to writing rubbish! Other than myself and Cyclone Koro. - Ed.



Tena koe te ti-boy,

Kia hiwa ra! Kia hiwa ra!
E hoa. Something strange going on up here at Tamaki Makaurau. Someone calling himself a detective been tipi haere investigating around here looking for a network. We're getting a bit worried that maybe he's not trying to break into the kumara vine, but maybe he's looking for our secret Jake network. You tell Jake, Jake, Jake & Jake to watch out for that detective. He Pakeha ia.

Did the Fat Man hire him I think? Or Reriko?

Na Jake,
Tamaki Makaurau.

* Don't worry e hoa. It's only the Maori Trustee Intelligence Agency. Neville hired the Pakeha detective to protect his investments. Is Neville Baker the Fat Man you think? - Ed.




Government Policy: An Overview



The avalanche of legislation which slid into Parliament towards the end of the year contained much that will affect Maoridom.

It included the Maori Fisheries Bill, Conservation Law Reform Bill, Electoral Law Reform Bill, and the Runanga Iwi Bill. The Prime Minister also established his Crown Task Force on Waitangi Issues. Early next year there will be a Local Government Bill to establish Maori Advisory Committees, and a Resource Management Bill.

In this issue of Te Putatara we look at this legislation and policy, place it in context, and draw out the Governments's overall strategy.


Bounds of Policy

Government strategy is directed by the goal of every member of Parliament, and every political party; power for power's sake. Governments will do what they have to do to stay in power.

Beyond that, the racism of the Pakeha electorate is the major constraint on policy. In the community great strides have been made towards the recognition of the Treaty of Waitangi, but racism is still rampant. Witness the rednecked response of provincial politicians to the proposal to establish Maori Advisory Committees in local government. That racism extends right into the House of Representatives.

The Pakeha political community may scrap endlessly over the spoils of power, but it is united on one issue; it intends to preserve Pakeha power forever. They talk of the principle of "Parliamentary Sovereignty" but on matters of race they mean only "Pakeha Sovereignty". The Parliament, whatever the party in power, has an absolute commitment to Pakeha power. For instance, neither party will introduce proportional representation, for fear of a Maori balance of power in the House.

On the other hand politicians like to be seen as "progressive" and "reasonable", so they constantly look for ways to be seen to be giving and helping, without actually doing or giving anything.

The 1990 propaganda effort falls into that category, as does the new move to set up Maori Advisory Committees. In some ways so does the Runanga Iwi Bill.


The Strands of Policy

In the term of this Labour government there have been two conflicting policy directions, socio/political and economic.

On the social front little has been achieved in a climate of high unemployment, and the irresponsible squandering of the nations accumulated resources by speculators in the business and financial sectors. In fact, social policy has been largely confined to promises and propaganda.

Much noise has been made about progress in issues of race and culture. The real social and political issue, the honouring of the Treaty of Waitangi, is carefully avoided. Devices such as Maori Perspective Units and Maori Advisory Committees have been established, to give the appearance of power sharing, through consultation. Legislation now includes the requirement to consult with the tangata whenua, but nowhere is the advice to be acted upon, or power actually transferred.

The Government's real strategy is apparent in it's economic policies for Maori people. From the time of Governor Grey all policy has been aimed at the alienation of Maori economic resources. For most of our postcontact history this has hinged on the transfer of Maori communal land to Pakeha individual title. The attempted destruction of the nation tribes was an important part of that policy. In the last twenty years or so, the seas have become an increasingly important economic resource for the Pakeha. Under this Government we have seen the individualisation and alienation of fisheries, using the devices of Individual Transferable Quota (ITQ), and the Maori Fisheries Bill. It was achieved in record time compared to the theft of the land.

The Broadcasting Amendment Act 1989 has done the same with the airwaves, even faster than fisheries.

Under this Labour Government, Maori economic resources, other than land, have been alienated. They have completed the policies of Grey and his nineteenth century successors. One wonders what else they will steal with the Resource Management Bill.

With the nation tribes almost totally dispossessed, Government now, rather cynically, formally recognises them with the Runanga Iwi Bill. What little economic resource to be reclaimed by the nation tribes through the SOE Bill, through claims to the Waitangi Tribunal, and through the Maori Fisheries Bill, will not be enough to rebuild an economic power base for all iwi.

Government socio/political promises and propaganda have just been a cover for completion of the colonial economic policy of alienation.



The policy (or pseudo-policy) of decentralisation of power to local government, to regional and area boards and committees, to school boards of trustees, and to incorporated runanga, does little for Maori. As we have already noted, the provinces are hothouses of racism; power to the provinces is power to practise prejudice. There are few areas where Maori will be able to organise voting majorities.

What then has been achieved?

Despite the intentions of Government, there have been two major achievements. The first is the pending legislative recognition of the iwi, through the Runanga Iwi Bill. For the first time, an iwi will be able to take legal action on its own behalf. Although the motives are suspect, this is a major advance. Sometimes the right things are done for the wrong reasons eh.

The other achievement is the increasing influence of the Treaty of Waitangi in the affairs of the nation. The Treaty has always spoken, but today it speaks to an ever growing audience. Alas, the Government has moved to modify its message through a set of five Treaty Principles; an attempt to rewrite the script. That will surely fail.


Wild Cards

On balance, and in spite of their deceit and double-talk, New Zealand politicians are still on the run. At home the pressure on them mounts slowly and inexorably. Worldwide, the churches, the International Labour Organisation, the United Nations, and the Indigenous Peoples Movement are committed to change, and are the wild cards in our hand.


Conservation Law Reform Act 1989

This act gives us representation and consultation, and it will keep some more of our people very busy for a long time.

It is an omnibus act which amends a number of other acts which deal with conservation, and it places a large number of conservation functions under either the Department of Conservation, the new NZ Conservation Authority, new Conservation Boards, and other new bodies. Its effect on Maoridom is to allow for Maori representation on the new authorities and boards.

Although conservation is a very important issue for Maoridom, and it is essential that the iwi have a say in the preservation of our natural heritage, under this bill the tangata whenua, traditional and proven guardians of that heritage, do not regain guardianship. What is gained is a subservient junior guardianship, under the tutelage of Big Brother. The very same Big Brother who came to Aotearoa and destroyed the balance of the environment.

This legislation must be classed with the rest which has given us a voice, but in an area which will not give us power. It is another piece of legislation where the issues of te tino rangatiratanga are carefully avoided.

Throughout all this new legislation we will see that the pattern is consistent. The Government is being very generous (compared to previous governments) in all sorts of areas which do not involve the actual transfer of power, or the resources through which power may be built.

Paulo Freire, the Brazilian educator of oppressed peoples, describes this process of generosity. He says that it is only the existence of oppression that allows the oppressor to be generous.

If there were no oppression, there would be no scope for such generosity, for there would not be an oppressed people in need.

Looking at it the other way around, what he says is that colonial oppressors need to oppress, so that they have the opportunity to be generous.

The generosity bestowed upon us by this legislation is up to six places, out of twelve, on the NZ Conservation Authority. There will also be some members (at the discretion of the Minister) on each of the 12-person regional Conservation Boards. In certain other aspects of conservation the tangata whenua are to be consulted, but not necessarily of course, listened to.

Another typical aspect of this act is that we gain most representation at the national (pan-Maori) level, and representation at regional (iwi) level is at the discretion of the god/minister.

Yet it is at iwi level that representation is most needed. The most opposition to Maori representation is also at that provincial level. So here we go with a few government appointed rangatira on the national authority, and the rednecks out in the

provinces can do what they like without having to listen too much to those radical Maori activists and their iwis.

A section of this bill which will concern most iwi is on marginal strip ownership and control. The marginal strips are those along the foreshores, rivers and streams, and those surrounding lakes.

This act deals with the acquisition and disposal of these marginal strips by the Crown. The question is of course, who really owns the marginal strips?


Local Government

One of the next bits of legislation to be introduced will be a local government amendment act, setting up Maori Advisory Committees alongside every regional council and territorial authority. Once again we don't get to vote, but we do get to advise and be consulted.

Already local government politicians are sounding off about it, and we can use it to see which areas are the more racist. Some of those rednecks are already working themselves into a frenzy over this act, especially down in the deep South. It's not much use for anything else - except for watching the corruption of local politicians from close quarters.

For all of you out there on the kumara vine who will be representing your iwi on these committees, here are the facts about corruption in local government. The most common corrupt practice is to award contracts to yourself through your family or friends.

The rules are:

If you're Maori, you're not allowed to let a contract to the husband of your tenth cousin, twice removed; that's nepotism.

If you're Pakeha, you're not allowed to let a contract to your wife, husband, son, or daughter; that's nepotism.

E hoa ma, you keep your eyes open eh. And if you're lucky, those Pakeha will pay you to close your eyes while they rip off the ratepayers. Just make sure that you don't come cheap; and make sure you put the kickback into your marae, not your pocket!

There's not much we can do to change this Government strategy, but we can certainly take advantage of it.


Resource Management

According to a document issued twelve months ago, the new resource management law will not address questions of Maori resource ownership, such as ownership of the sea bed, foreshore, and sub-surface estate (coal, gold, oil, etc). The reform will allow for representation on decision-making bodies, recognition of Maori values, and "more active involvement of iwi" in resource management (including consultation).

Once again we are to be represented and consulted, but the balance of power, and the economic resources are to remain in the hands of the Pakeha. This strategy has been upset by the Appeal Court decision in the Tainui coal case, but no doubt legislation to enshrine ownership in Pakeha title will soon be passed. This is yet another example of allowing us to participate, but only as a minority interest, in the social and political administration of the natural resources of Aotearoa. Once more we are to be denied economic control of those resources, or any part of them.

Unless the Government is planning to give us control of 10 percent! Under a pan-Maori board of Government appointed rangatira, perhaps.

After the Tainui coal case, the issue which will probably be the most important will be control of the waters. At the moment Electricorp is sharpening its false teeth on the Whanganui River case. Experience gained to date, by Maori fighting that case, shows that Electricorp intends to use millions of its taxpayer owned funds to gain absolute control of the waterways. It has already spent a fortune on the Whanganui River hearings, and on public relations propaganda. Like lots of helicopter trips.


Maori Fisheries Act 1989

This legislation ranks with the Native Lands Acts of 1862 and 1865, passed during the governorship of Grey, as an instrument of white greed. Those acts set up the Land Court, under Fenton, with the goal of individualising Maori land ownership, so that it could be sold.

Under this 1989 Act, the Maori Fisheries Commission is established to "facilitate the entry of Maori into, and the development by Maori of, the business and activity of fishing." The Commission is required to register Aotearoa Fisheries Limited as it's business arm. Over the next four years just 10% of all fish quota will be transferred to the Commission which must then transfer at least 50% to Aotearoa Fisheries. $10 million is also to be paid to the Commission by the Crown.

The only way for the traditional iwi and hapu owners of the fishery to go fishing, is to go cap in hand to a Government appointed Commission. In lieu of te tino rangatiratanga we are now to be blessed with a few more Government approved and appointed rangatira on the Maori Fisheries Commission, and on the board of directors of Aotearoa Fisheries Limited.

The Fisheries Bill claims "to make better provision for the recognition of Maori fishing rights secured by the Treaty of Waitangi". Its real aim is to pay lip service to the Treaty while the fisheries are individualised and sold. Its method is the bribery and flattery of selected rangatira, in lieu of te tino rangatiratanga of iwi and hapu. This method was also introduced by te Governor Grey.

The Act of 1862 was just the first of many, all designed to transfer land and economic power to the Pakeha. We can expect that in a few years time a new fisheries law will be passed, allowing future Commissioners to sell our 10% Maori ITQ to the Pakeha. And they will; they will have been carefully selected by a Pakeha Minister of Maori Affairs, or Winston Peters. History tells us that.

One of the most interesting spectacles during the passage of this legislation through its select committee stage, was the one-eyed zeal of select committee chairman, Ken Shirley MP. It was he who ostensibly shaped and shepherded this bill into Parliament in its final form. Throughout the whole process he refused to recognise or discuss principles, and concentrated solely on the Government's pragmatic goal, which was to legitimise the theft of most of the resource, and to pay only lip service to the Treaty.

Inasmuch as the theft had already taken place, this Fisheries Bill also closely resembles the 1893 Native Land (Validation of Titles) Act passed by Seddon.

Shirley's single-minded dedication to his task indicated to me that the Maori Fisheries Bill was a cornerstone of Government policy for Maori Affairs, and it's passage through the house was absolutely essential, before the iwi could fight back with their new legal status acquired under the Runanga Iwi Bill.



This Month's Puzzle

What do all these men have in common?

Grey, Fenton, McLean, Gore Brown, Fox, Sheehan, Bryce, Prendergast, Ballance, Seddon, Palmer, Shirley.

See page 12 for the answer.




Runanga Iwi Bill


The Bill says, "Whereas the Treaty of Waitangi symbolises the special relationship between iwi and the Crown: And whereas the iwi is the single, enduring, traditional, and most significant form of social organisation of Maori people: And whereas it is desirable that each iwi be represented by a runanga that will be recognised as the authoritative voice of the iwi:..."

Beautiful. At long last. But look closely. The preamble to the bill defines iwi as the social organisation of Maori people. Is it? Or is it the social, economic and political organisation?

That definition could have effect outside the scope of this bill.

Is the definition adequate, say, for later electoral law reform?

Am I nit-picking? No, I am not; for the Government has already shown a preference for setting up compliant and controllable pan Maori organisations for economic purposes, such as the Maori Development Corporation and the Maori Fisheries Commission.

This new bill acknowledges the iwi, says how iwi are to be recognised for the purposes of the act, and provides for the incorporation of runanga to represent iwi in accordance with charters prepared by iwi. As I see it, this is a first small step towards the honouring of the Treaty. First of all they must honour their Treaty partners, then the Treaty.

In comparison with the Maori Trust Boards Act, this bill is enlightened. The paternalistic restrictions are gone, and the incorporated runanga is to be primarily accountable to the iwi. The colonial hegemony of the Department of Maori Affairs is finally overcome. Incorporated runanga will not be Crown Agencies but will be able to enter into real contracts with the Crown, and others. At last, this is grown-up stuff.

Overall, I think this bill is a huge advance. It is up to the iwi themselves to avoid the traps in this bill, through the careful framing of charters. The greatest trap is that some iwi will bestow mana upon their incorporated runanga. In my sometimes not very humble opinion, any organisation established by tauiwi for iwi, is noa. The incorporated runanga is noa, because it is ultimately answerable to Parliament. Until Parliament truly represents iwi as well as tauiwi, it too is noa.



The iwi itself is sovereign and can never be incorporated.


MANA - tapu

mana wairua
mana whenua
mana tipuna
mana hapu
mana marae
mana whanau
mana tangata


manaGEMENT -noa

incorporated runanga
Maori land incorporations
Maori land trusts
Maori trust boards
incorporated societies
charitable trusts
limited liability companies
other legislative devices


The distinction should be absolutely clear in the charters of all incorporated runanga.





Crown Principles and a Crown Task Force: Crown Strategy


"Assess the advantages in taking advice, then structure your forces accordingly, to supplement extraordinary tactics. Forces are to be structured strategically, based on what is advantageous."

- Sun Tzu


The Government has spent most of this year formulating its strategy for dealing with Maori issues. The first public indication of this was the publication of its five principles for Crown action on the Treaty of Waitangi, in July this year.

STRATEGY - Rewrite the Treaty.

During the long-running saga of the Maori Fisheries Bill it was obvious that Ken Shirley was running to a tight Government strategy, coordinated at the very top. The way the Maori fisheries negotiators were sidelined, and their funds cut off, indicated a strategy development.

STRATEGY - Force the Maori Fisheries Bill through at all costs, by the end of 1989.

Get rid of the one issue over which the tribes might unite. Belittle any similar cause such as the claim for the airwaves. The very obvious coordination of the Chatham islands strategy with Shirley's select committee workings, showed the hand of an unseen committee.

STRATEGY - Keep the serious constitutional threat to the Government's strategy isolated from the issues of Maori fisheries and sovereignty.

Prime Minister Palmer's reaction to the Court of Appeal decision in the Tainui Coal case indicated a faltering of strategy.

STRATEGY - Find a new one before the Resource Management Bill in 1990.

This month Palmer finally unveils his structure. At the top he proclaims "Parliament is sovereign", and has a little kick at the Courts.

STRATEGY - Anything which cannot be settled in the Government's favour, either in the Courts or by negotiation, will be legislated.

The Government has formed a high level Task Force of cabinet ministers, supported by staff from many departments.

STRATEGY - The Maori threat to absolute Pakeha power has become so great that a powerful force is needed to defend the Pakeha position.

It is chaired by the Minister for Injustice. Strengthen the Department of Injustice Treaty Issues Unit.

STRATEGY - Defend the Pakeha version of the non-existent Constitution at all costs.

Defend the citadel. Direct negotiation with the iwi over some claims is to be preferred to Court or Waitangi Tribunal actions.

STRATEGY - Buy off those whose claims embarrass the Government. Send to law those claims which will not succeed.

Legislate against those not strong enough to embarrass Government. Re-affirm the five principles for Crown action on the Treaty.

STRATEGY - The Treaty of Waitangi must not be honoured.

Palmer says the Crown will honour its Treaty obligations.

STRATEGY - Maintain the smokescreen of public relations and propaganda.


ASSESSMENT - It's still just a short-term defensive strategy. We should bowl them within the next 50 years!




Indigenous Issues Abroad


While we in Aotearoa struggle for mana Maori motuhake, there are similar struggles in progress all over the world, wherever there are indigenous peoples. Indigenous peoples have created international networks to support each other; and organisations such as the World Council of Churches (WCC), the International Labour Organisation (ILO), and the United Nations Organisation (UNO) have taken up the indigenous cause.

On 7-13 May 1989 in Darwin, Australia the WCC convened a Global Consultation on "Integrity of Creation: Our Land is our Life". At that hui the Darwin Declaration was unanimously adopted. In relation to Aotearoa it called for; "... the WCC in conjunction with the United Nations, [to] urge the New Zealand Government to honour the Treaty of Waitangi and that the peoples and churches of the world stand in solidarity with the Maori people in 1990 - the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the signing of the Treaty."

In Geneva, Switzerland on 31 July - 4 August 1989, the Darwin Declaration was tabled at the Seventh Session of the UN Working Group on Indigenous Populations (UNWGIP). The Darwin Declaration was then attached to the UNWGIP report to all members of the United Nations.

The main work of UNWGIP has been the drafting of a Universal Declaration on Rights of Indigenous Peoples. This document aims to protect the rights of indigenous peoples and to prevent discrimination against them. It is slowly being progressed and will eventually be placed before the General Assembly of the United Nations. This work is supported by all indigenous peoples, including Maori groups who travel to Geneva each year for the annual session of the UNWGIP.

At its session in 1990 the UNWGIP will be reviewing a special report on treaties, agreements and other constructive arrangements before States and indigenous peoples. This will have a great deal of relevance to Aotearoa.

Among the many decisions and recommendations of the 1989 Session of UNWGIP was one which urged that the "General Assembly [of the UN] should proclaim 1993 the International Year for Indigenous Rights." That would be a better year for us than New Zealand's 1990, wouldn't it?

On 27 June 1989 the ILO adopted the ILO Convention on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples. Among many rights are the rights of indigenous peoples: to define themselves as indigenous; and, to be consulted, through their own representative institutions, and with the object of achieving agreement, before national authorities take any measures which may affect them. [This clause alone, if ratified in time, would have prevented the passage of the Maori Fisheries Bill].

This ILO Convention will go into force as soon as it is ratified by two member countries. Indigenous groups around the world are seeking national public reviews of the new convention. The kumara vine might consider writing to the NZ Prime Minister, for the same national review.

With all this international activity, any devious dealings by the New Zealand Government will not go un-noticed eh. That's why they're moving fast to tidy up, before the ILO Convention is ratified, and before the United Nations Draft Convention comes before the General Assembly.




Dispatches from the Dungeon Bar


Hika ma! I haven't been down the Dungeon for weeks you know - officially.

Every time I get near the old Dungeon I pick up a tail. Usually I just pick up tales at the Dungeon eh. But the sort of tail I'm picking up these days is one of those that follows you everywhere you go. You know, the sort you go to Lake Alice for, when you get porangi and think that someone's following you all the time.

One night though, I managed to slip through the security screen around the Dungeon, and I crept in to meet Jake. This Jake is the one we've planted in the new Iwi Transition Agency to keep an eye on the Fat Man. Well, he said, did I know about the Pakeha detective that had been in ITA asking questions about Jake? No, I said, who was his name? Trevor Morley was his name, said Jake.

Hika ma, I said, that's the same one been poking around the Auckland ITA looking for Jake. I'll have an orange.

Exciting stuff eh? Well, the kumara vine soon found out that this Trevor fullah is an ex-policeman, and apparently he's very good at his job too. Even if he sometimes forgets to tell people that he's a private detective, not a police detective. They reckon that he can still get information off the Wanganui computer eh, but I think that might be a load of bull you know. All expolicemen are honest and law abiding eh? Well the ones I know are. I do know that he's got a source that can get him details of your bank account though.

E hoa ma, they say this Trevor fullah is very very expensive too. Maybe $1000 a day. Well. The kumara vine set to work to find out who was paying this very very dear fullah. You know who it was?

Neville Baker! True, e hoa ma, it was my old friend Neville the Nifty and Thrifty!

Boy. If I had that sort of money I'd hire a new writer and a new ti-boy, not a detective eh. The writer I've got keeps churning out rubbish, and the tea boy thinks he's the editor!

Anyway, I asked the ti-boy what he reckoned this detective was up to. He said he might be looking for all the money the Maori Trustee lost, like at Equiticorp and at the DFC. He said maybe the Maori Trustee invested in some other rubbish places (like the BNZ), and the detective was going around looking through all the rubbish bins for the money. He's porangi that ti-boy eh.

Now I've got another reason for drinking orange at the Dungeon eh. I have to keep my eyes sober, so I can spot the detective. It's bad enough having to keep your ears and your mouth sober down in that Dungeon! What I would like to know now is whether the flash Pakeha detective has been looking for our man Jake in Gisborne? Hope he finds him for us.




Waikaremoana Guided Tours

Pig Hunting
Deer Stalking
Trout Fishing

Contact: Noel Himona
P.O.Box 351
Tel: (0724) 23-729



The answer to the puzzle:

You're right! They're all Pakeha.